: In Focus :

• Tariq Aziz: "Britain and the US killed Iraq. I wish I was martyred"
• Soma Hotel; Un-extinguished Blaze
• The Iraqi stalemate; Failure or Betrayal
• Melodrama: 15 minutes of The Long Lasting Relationship
• On the anniversarry of Dr. Ghassemlou’s assasination
• Rojin - a film critique
• Kurdistan and Democracy in the Middle East
• The murder of the journalist Sardasht Osman in Iraqi Kurdistan
• Iran: Executed Dissidents ‘Tortured to Confess’
• The murder of young journalist Sardasht Osman shocks the world
• Kurdish Cinema is promising
• Choman Hardi’s poems on the UK GCSE syllabus
• Nawshairwan Mustafa: His impact on the contemporary Kurdish politics
• Sixth London Kurdish Film Festival
• The world through an architectural eye
• Last call to Justice for Banaz
• Support Committee for Free Elections in Kurdistan
• 6th London Kurdish Film Festival - Call for submissions
• An interview with Omer Said Ali, former member of politburo of Patriotic Union of Kurdistan-PUK
• Mam Jalal: ”I have decided to stay active in politics until I reach 65, afterward, even if the whole nation begs me, I will retire”

KNK speech in 6th International Conference on EU, Turkey and the Kurds

• KurdishMedia.com - By Mehmet Yuksel
• 07/02/2010 00:00:00

“6th International Conference on EU, Turkey and the Kurds” (Brussels, 3-4 February 2010)"

Speech of Mr Mehmet Yuksel, Kurdish National Congress (KNK)

Honourable Participants and Delegates of this Conference,

I would like to warmly welcome you all to this timely conference on behalf of the Kurdish National Congress. I would like to begin by presenting the recent developments in Turkey and our perspective on them. Also I would like to outline our proposals for a solution to the Kurdish issue in Turkey and North Kurdistan.

Taking part at this conference you must surely be aware of the history of the Kurdish question and its present condition. This conflict lasting now more than 25 years has resulted in the deaths of more than 40.000 people. At least 4.000 villages have been destroyed, millions of people forced to migrate. Furthermore, at least 17.000 people have been massacred in extra-judicial killings. This is a genuine war. To call it terrorism is to deny reality. It is clear that both sides have not been able to prevail over one another. A different approach is called for and non-military methods ought to be sought. Attempts for this have intensified in the last few years.

The Kurdish side has struggled for a peaceful solution for years, called unilateral ceasefires and has taken similar steps on many occasions. Many discussions and peace initiatives in the past have also carried the hallmark and self-sacrifice of the Kurdish movement. Despite all the military operations and attempts of sabotage, the Kurdish side and forces have been adhering to a unilateral ceasefire for the past 14 months.

Preparing a road map to peace, the Kurdish movement has consulted all sections of Kurdish society gathering suggestions and presented them to the Kurdish Peoples’ Leader Abdullah Öcalan. Taking these into consideration, Mr. Öcalan prepared a road map and submitted it to the Turkish side via the Imrali prison administration in August 2009. Whilst a copy of the road map should have been issued to us and the wider public, the Turkish state seized the road map and is still withholding it.

Despite all this, the Kurdish Freedom Movement insists on a peaceful approach and wants to strengthen the stock of those in favour of peace. Upon an appeal from Mr Öcalan, 8 guerrillas from the mountains and 26 political refugees from the Maxmur Refugee Camp have been sent to Turkey as a Peace Group representing our case.

The Turkish side is yet to show a serious response to our frank and transparent approach. This does not mean that we do not value the discussions and initiatives that have been taken from their part. Yes, the Turkish government started an initiative the so-called Kurdish Initiative in July 2009. At the beginning we followed with interest. Then this initiative changed name and became the Democratic Initiative, this was also scrapped soon after and it became the National Unity Project. It was said that the project would be disclosed in the Turkish Grand National Assembly and a special session was convened in November 2009. However, a political project was not put forth by the AKP government. The government spoke a lot, spoke a lot about short, medium and long term plans that remained more than vague. Nothing tangible and concrete has been announced so far.

During that time, despite the unilateral ceasefire of the Kurdish side, the military operations of the Turkish Armed Forces continued. There were again more deaths. Additionally, the surprise victory of the DTP in local elections in March 2009 has not been accepted by the Turkish government. Whilst they should have been welcomed as interlocutors and mediators in a peaceful solution, the DTP was targeted. The AKP, who lost at the ballot, tried to get their political revenge by conducting police operations against the DTP. The first major operation was conducted in April 2009, hundreds of people were taken into custody and arrested, including many senior members and executives. These operations intensified in the following months.

The closure case against the DTP was also suddenly brought back on the agenda. On 11th December 2009 the DTP was closed down and banned by the Turkish Constitutional Court in an unanimous decision. 37 party executives including the General President were banned from politics while General President Ahmet Türk and MP Aysel Tugluk were stripped of their status as parliamentarians. Meanwhile on 24th December 2009, hundreds of people including 17 Mayors were arrested in a new operation. The flood of arrests continues. Thousands have been arrested until now.

Dear Participants,

Until now the leaders of Turkey have approached this problem by denying, suppressing, eliminating and assimilating. The current AKP government is continuing this policy using more refined methods. Their primary aim is the suppression and elimination of the Kurdish Freedom Movement and the assimilation and Turkification of the Kurdish People. This is still the policy in practice.

It is evident that this Turkish-Kurdish conflict cannot be solved with this approach. The AKP government cannot dispose of this issue by using window dressing and misleading. They cannot solve it without accepting interlocutors. They cannot trick anyone. The Kurdish issue cannot be solved with a TV Channel, a few language courses, a few departments in universities, the restoration of a few place names and a repentance law. The Kurdish issue is in fact a problem of the acceptance of the national democratic rights of a People and the recognition of its democratic political representation.

It is crucial in any peace and reconciliation process to acknowledge the other side and reach out having genuine negotiations between equal political partners. All pursuits apart from this will be futile and nothing but a waste of time.

As the Kurdish side our stance and approach is clear. Our demands are the minimum of what should already be in palce in any democratic country. Let me briefly outline our proposals for a solution to the Kurdish issue once again:

1. In view of writing up a new democratic constitution with the participation of all sections of society and parties, the Kurdish issue must be taken as the main component of the Democratic Unity of Turkey and its democratisation. Based on this, the new Constitution must become neutral to all ethnicities by grounding itself on constitutional citizenship or alternatively take the Kurdish identity under the protection of the Constitution.

2. A Truth and Justice Committee must be formed in order to foster and ensure an environment of peace, reconciliation and trust investigating and uncovering all the incidents contrary to international rules of war and human rights that have lead to great sadness, pain and trauma in Kurdistan and Turkey. For results to be attained, all necessary assistance and facilities need to be provided for this Committee by both sides.

3. In line with the acceptance of Kurdish identity in the constitution and related changes, Kurdish language and education must be arranged and organised, with the use of Kurdish language as the language of education from primary school to University. Kurdish must be accepted as the second official language in places where there are a large number of Kurds.

4. All restrictions on the sustenance and development of Kurdish culture must be removed and the rights afforded to all other cultures must be afforded the Kurdish people. All restrictions on Radio, TV and the Press must be removed and Kurdish broadcasting must be subjected to all the laws and procedures that Turkish TV, Radio and Press is subjected to.

5. All restrictions on thought, belief, free speech and the right to organise must be lifted and the path of free voluntary politics opened.

6. Predicated on the Constitution of 1921, the Democratic Local Government Law must be reissued. Local parliaments and democratic political representatives must be considered as part of the general political landscape and their authority augmented based on decentralisation providing democratic autonomy.

7. The village guard system must be abolished by taking economic and social precautions.

8. All obstacles preventing the return of the people forced to migrate must be removed so that all social wounds can be healed and the debilitated equilibrium of society can return to normal. All damages done to victims of war must be compensated and they must be supported administratively, legally and economically to rebuild their lifes.

9. Determination must be shown in mobilising an economic development programme in the Kurdish regions. State-subsidised investments must be made in places with suitable infrastructure. Tax reductions and credit with low interest rates must be offered to private businesses encouraging investment and economic recovery.

10. Predicated on the introduction of the social peace and democratic participation act, the Kurdish and Turkish People need to forgive each other. All political prisoners including Mr. Abdullah Öcalan must be released and given the chance to participate in social and political life. Political refugees living abroad must also be reintegrated.

11. With the assurance of a lasting peace, the guerrilla must be positioned, within current law, as either a local public security force or be given a new status to protect its existence within a new democratic system.

As is evident, these suggestions are consistent with the criteria set by the European Union. These articles represent the most basic requests that should be found in a contemporary democracy. We are calling first and foremost on the European Union and all other democratic powers to support the Kurdish Peoples’ struggle for a peaceful and democratic solution to a conflict that has lasted far too long.

In conclusion, we would like to say that the Kurdish people are yearning for peace and are thirsty for freedom. The Kurds have been struggling for years for an honourable peace. As the Kurdish Peoples’ Leader Abdullah Öcalan has said: ‘‘... In these lands peace is only possible with the peaceful coexistence of all moral, political and social powers, without killing and guns.’’ Leaving you with these words, I would like to greet you and wish you good luck in your endeavours in the belief that the discussions at this conference will shed light on perspectives for a democratic and peaceful solution to the Kurdish issue.

• KurdishMedia.com - By Mehmet Yuksel
• 07/02/2010 00:00:00